Summary of Settler and Occupation Forces Violations: July 2025 Report
The following summary reviews the most prominent assaults by the settler and occupation forces against Palestinian citizens and their lands during July 2025. This report is based on information from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), the Wall and Settlement Resistance Commission, and the organization Peace Now.
The Ongoing Genocide in the Gaza Strip
During July, the Israeli forces continued their bombardment of 2.4 million Gazans across the Strip, in addition to expanding the scope of their ground operations. This led to the death toll, from October 7, 2023, until the end of this month, rising to 60,138 martyrs, while 146,269 others were injured. Of these, 8,970 Palestinians were killed and 34,228 injured since the war resumed in March of this year.
Since May 27, 1,239 civilians suffering from starvation have been killed and more than 8,152 others injured, as a result of being targeted by the occupation forces while attempting to obtain food from distribution points run by what is known as the ‘Gaza Humanitarian Foundation.’ This starkly reflects the militarization and weaponization of relief activities, turning it from an emergency response tool into an instrument for achieving broader strategic objectives — a policy that violates fundamental humanitarian principles. It places aid in the grip of the occupation, which exploits it to carry out its criminal schemes against the people of Gaza.
The humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip continues to deteriorate, with hunger and malnutrition spreading, diseases on the rise, and waves of mass displacement intensifying under a suffocating blockade that hinders the delivery of humanitarian aid, alongside the near-total collapse of infrastructure and essential services, foremost among them the health sector. On July 30, the Ministry of Health in Gaza documented 154 deaths caused by malnutrition, including 89 children. The total number includes 70 deaths in the month of July alone, in addition to four cases in 2023 and 50 cases in 2024.
Reports indicated that 81% of households in Gaza are experiencing deteriorated food consumption, compared to only 33% in April. Meanwhile, 24% of households are facing levels of extreme hunger, compared to 4% in the same month — figures that already surpass the famine threshold in terms of food consumption. Rates of acute malnutrition have risen alarmingly in several areas of the Gaza Strip between May and July: they doubled in Khan Younis, increased by 70% in Deir al-Balah, and in Gaza City the rate of malnutrition jumped from 4.4% in May to 16.5% in the first half of July, thereby surpassing the famine threshold associated with acute malnutrition. By contrast, the situation in North Gaza remains unclear due to a lack of data, despite facing similar challenges.
As a result, 5,550 children under the age of 5 years were admitted to health centers for treatment of acute malnutrition during the first half of July. These figures show a worrying increase compared to June, when 6,500 cases were recorded over the course of the entire month. The crisis has not been limited to children, but has also affected women; examinations revealed that 44% of pregnant and breastfeeding mothers suffer from acute malnutrition and require urgent medical intervention, compared to 35% in May.
On July 27, these authorities informed humanitarian organizations of their reversal of a displacement order issued on July 20, which covered an area in Deir al-Balah used as a hub for humanitarian operations and housing offices, guesthouses, medical facilities, warehouses, and other vital infrastructure.
Nevertheless, the number of displaced persons across the Gaza Strip increased by more than 5,000 by the end of July, bringing the total number of displaced since March 18 to over 767,800 people. Available information indicates that around 80% of recently recorded displacement cases originated from or occurred within Khan Younis Governorate.
The Israeli army announced a truce to take effect on July 27, from 10:00 a.m. to 8:00 p.m., covering the areas of Al-Mawasi, Deir al-Balah, and Gaza City, under the pretext of expanding the entry of humanitarian aid into the Strip. The army also announced additional measures, including conducting daily airdrop operations, as well as reconnecting the Israeli power line to the desalination plant in southern Gaza. On the other hand, institutions warned of the risks associated with airdrops, noting reports that aid dropped on the night of July 27 fell onto tents and damaged buildings, causing injuries among civilians and endangering others as they attempted to access the aid.
Airdrop operations lack fairness and effectiveness, as they result in the unequal distribution of assistance and exclude the most vulnerable and needy groups. They also carry the risk of aid being diverted from its intended destination. Furthermore, such operations undermine humanitarian principles and fall far short of the minimum supplies required to meet the growing needs in the Gaza Strip. Meanwhile, Israel uses airdrop operations as a means to evade its legal obligations to ensure the effective and safe delivery of humanitarian aid.
Key Statistics on Occupation Forces’ Violations in the West Bank and Jerusalem
Since the beginning of the military operation in the northern West Bank, entry into Jenin Refugee Camp has remained prohibited, making it difficult to verify the situation inside. It also remains unclear whether demolitions within the camp resumed during the reporting period. What is known is that the occupation has not permitted any rehabilitation work inside the camp or in its vicinity to date.
Earlier, on July 26, Israeli forces carried out a search operation that lasted about three hours in the Al-Hadaf neighbourhood west of the camp, during which approximately 8 Palestinian families were temporarily evacuated from their homes. After the forces withdrew, all the families returned to their residences.
In Nur Shams Camp in Tulkarem, the occupation authorities issued a military order on July 27 declaring the wooded area surrounding the camp a closed military zone until October 31, 2025. Meanwhile, some displaced families from the Jabal al-Salihin neighbourhood in the camp were able to return to their homes on July 29, before being forced to leave again the next day after occupation forces targeted several residents in the area.
Since the beginning of the Israeli assault on the Gaza Strip in October 2023, settler groups—backed politically and militarily by the occupation authorities—have intensified campaigns of forced displacement against Bedouin communities in the occupied West Bank, particularly in the Hebron and Ramallah governorates. According to a study conducted by the Israeli organization B’Tselem (Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories), 38 Bedouin communities have been completely displaced from their homes during this period, in addition to partial targeting and the displacement of several families from other communities.
In this same context, the northern and central Jordan Valley have witnessed a dangerous escalation in settler attacks since the beginning of 2023, as part of a systematic plan aimed at imposing new facts on the ground and seizing vast areas of Palestinian land.
During this period, 59 new settlement outposts were established, most of them ‘grazing outposts’ used as tools to impose control over Palestinian land. This figure represents an unprecedented surge compared to the annual average, which did not exceed 7 outposts per year between 1996 and 2022.
More than 30 cases of forced displacement of families from the northern Jordan Valley were documented in just one year, in addition to the displacement of 29 other Bedouin communities in the West Bank since October 2023. The total number of documented settler attacks during 2024 reached around 2,400, while 1,250 new attacks were recorded in the first half of 2025.
Over 90% of the land in the Jordan Valley is classified as ‘military zones,’ ‘nature reserves,’ or ‘state land’—designations used by the Israeli occupation as a pretext to deny Palestinians their right to the land.
Martyrs and the Wounded:
During this month, 26 citizens were killed, including 8 children and a prisoner. Hebron Governorate recorded the highest number of martyrs, with 7, followed by Ramallah and Al-Bireh with 6. Among the martyrs were two citizens assassinated by the Israeli army, 9 killed during raids on Palestinian towns and villages, and 4 others killed by settlers.
On July 29, activist Awdah Hathaleen was killed after a settler shot him in the village of Umm al-Khair, south of Hebron, while he and other residents were trying to prevent settlers from bulldozing land between people’s homes. Another citizen was seriously injured after being run over by a bulldozer. The attack was part of a continuing pattern of systematic harassment by settler groups against the village’s residents, who number around 200 Palestinians forcibly displaced from the Negev in 1948 and resettled in Masafer Yatta. In the 1980s, the occupation authorities established the settlement of “Carmel” after declaring approximately 4,000 dunams of land in the area as “state land.”
Arrests:
As of early July 2025, the total number of prisoners and detainees in Israeli occupation prisons stood at around 10,800 — the highest figure since the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000, according to data documented by specialized institutions. Statistics indicate that among them are 49 female prisoners, including two from Gaza, and more than 450 detained children. The number of administrative detainees has also risen to 3,629.
Since the beginning of the Israeli assault on the Gaza Strip, arrest campaigns in the West Bank, including Jerusalem, have resulted in approximately 18,500 detentions. With regard to women, the number of female detainees has risen to around 570, including those from the territories of 1948, the West Bank, and Gaza women arrested in the West Bank. These figures do not include women detained from inside Gaza, whose number is estimated to be in the dozens.
Among children, at least 1,500 cases of arrest have been recorded in the West Bank alone since the beginning of the conflict. As for journalists, the number of those detained has exceeded 194, of whom 49 remain under arrest to this day.
Since October 7, 2023, no fewer than 75 prisoners have died in Israeli occupation prisons, with their identities announced — including 46 from among the detainees of the Gaza Strip. In addition, information indicates that dozens of other prisoners from Gaza have died inside prisons and military camps, though the occupation has not disclosed their identities or the circumstances of their deaths. Dozens of cases of summary executions of Palestinian detainees have also been documented.
Demolition and Destruction of Housing and Infrastructure:
During the first half of 2025, areas classified as ‘Area C’ witnessed a sharp escalation in displacement as a result of demolitions carried out by the occupation authorities under the pretext of lacking permits. Between January 1 and July 28, 840 Palestinian structures were demolished, displacing 807 people, including more than 400 children. This marks a significant increase compared to the same period in 2024, when 581 structures were demolished and 546 individuals displaced, and also compared to 2023, when 414 structures were demolished, displacing 308 people.
In Jerusalem, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) documented the demolition of 118 structures during the same period, under the pretext of lacking building permits. This resulted in the displacement of 355 Palestinians, including 178 children. Notably, 74 of these structures — about 63% — were demolished by their owners, in some cases with partial involvement of Israeli authorities, in order to avoid paying fines.
Statistics show that the average rate of Palestinian displacement in East Jerusalem due to permit-related demolitions has reached 51 people per month since January 2023, compared to an average of 29 per month between 2019 and 2022, and 15 per month between 2009 and 2018. This reflects a rapid deterioration of the situation and a marked increase in displacement operations.
During the reporting period, occupation bulldozers demolished 59 homes and 46 structures.
Land Confiscation and Bulldozing:
During July, the occupation authorities confiscated a 1.5-dunum plot of land in Khirbet al-Hadidiyah in the northern Jordan Valley to dig a water well. They also issued an order to seize 7 dunums from the village of Jinsafut in Qalqilya Governorate, for the expansion and construction of a new military road serving the settlements of ‘Neve Menachem’ and ‘Ramat Gilad.’
In addition, occupation forces and settlers cut down and damaged 2,939 trees, most of them olive trees.
Settler Attacks:
During this month, 465 incidents of settler attacks against Palestinian citizens and their property were recorded. These included the storming of agricultural lands to cultivate them in order to seize control, the destruction of Palestinian crops and trees, systematic assaults on Palestinian villages and towns, shootings at homes, burning of vehicles, as well as theft and confiscation of Palestinian property.
In recent years, settler violations in the West Bank have sharply escalated, in parallel with the ongoing Israeli war on the Gaza Strip. In 2020, around 579 violations were recorded, rising to 911 in 2021, then to 1,527 in 2022, before reaching 2,191 in 2023, and 2,444 in 2024. By the end of June 2025, 1,444 violations had already been documented.
Between January and June 2025 alone, more than 1,400 settler attacks were recorded.
Settlement Activity:
At the beginning of July 2025, the Israeli occupation’s “Higher Planning Council” discussed approving the construction of 267 settlement units in the settlements of Ma’ale Amos and Ganei Modi’in. These plans include the construction of 150 housing units in Ganei Modi’in, marking the first case of settlement expansion beyond the separation wall — a precedent that entrenches the de facto annexation of occupied Palestinian lands located west of the wall.
The roots of the project go back more than twenty years, when a settlement development company in 2005 objected to the route of the wall built on the lands of the village of Ni’lin, claiming it obstructed the implementation of a planned neighbourhood adjacent to Ganei Modi’in. Although the project was frozen for years, it was revived after the formation of the current Israeli government. Approval for depositing the plan was granted in June 2023, and it is now on the verge of final ratification — which would mean official recognition of construction beyond the wall as part of a systematic expansionist strategy.
This move falls within the framework of an unprecedented escalation campaign, as the council has been holding weekly sessions since November 2024 to advance settlement expansion.
On July 16, the Higher Planning Council advanced plans for the construction of 567 new settlement units in the settlements of Beitar Illit and Giv’at Ze’ev, in addition to reopening discussion of a plan that includes 464 new housing units in the settlement of Talmon.
During this month, the Israeli Minister of Defense issued a unilateral decision to transfer the authority over the management of the Ibrahimi Mosque to the Israeli authorities under the pretext of carrying out renovation works at the site. Under this decision, the occupation will be able to make structural changes to the sanctuary without any Palestinian coordination or approval — a move that constitutes a violation of international agreements obligating Israel to preserve the status quo.
Separately, on July 30, 2025, the Higher Planning Council discussed a new project to demolish and rebuild 350 housing units in the western side of the settlement.
On July 8, the occupation authorities issued a new military order to confiscate 5.7 dunums of land from the town of Al-Khader, southwest of Bethlehem, under the pretext of “security purposes.” This measure comes as part of a series of Israeli military orders targeting lands in the West Bank, within the framework of a systematic settlement expansion aimed at imposing new realities on the ground and reducing Palestinians’ chances of seeking judicial recourse.
NOTE: This text is adabted from original Arabic article.
